Mongol Empire · 1216
Did captured siege engineers win the Mongols north China?
The seminar question: ““The Mongols won because captured engineers gave them siege engines.” What does this explanation tell us, and what does it leave out?”
Between 1209 and 1234 the Mongols learned siege warfare by recruiting engineers and administrators from conquered peoples, first against Xi Xia and then against the Jin dynasty of north China. After the Jin field army was destroyed at Yehuling, Zhongdu fell in 1215; the Jin were finished in 1234 with Song help.
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A mounted army could surround a city, cut its communications and threaten its inhabitants. It still had to get through the walls. The campaign against Xi Xia showed how difficult that could be: early Mongol assaults failed, and an attempt to flood the Tangut capital ended by flooding the besiegers’ own camp. The Mongols needed people who knew how to conduct a siege. They pressed captured specialists into service and carried their skills to later fronts. When the Jin war began in 1211, cavalry were becoming part of a force that also included engineers and local infantry.
The short answer
- The problem of the walls. A trebuchet was an old weapon, and Chinese armies already knew how to build siege towers. The Mongols’ problem was to put such knowledge at the service of a mobile steppe army. They moved specialists from settled societies between fronts, offering some pay and status and compelling others to serve. A machine alone could not bring down a city: workers, materials and transport had to arrive at the wall, and commanders had to coordinate engineers, infantry and cavalry.
- Divisions within the Jin. The Jin had conquered north China after displacing the Khitan Liao. Their Jurchen rulers maintained distinctions among subjects in military service and taxation, leaving divisions that Mongol commanders could exploit. Khitan commanders defected, Chinese warlords accepted Mongol titles, and Chinese troops formed a substantial part of the forces fighting the Jin. The Khitan Yelü Chucai later became a leading Mongol administrator.
- The cost of moving south. Kaifeng offered the Jin a better supplied and more defensible capital in 1214. Yet the retreat had a cost. Giving up the northern frontier also meant losing access to pastures that supplied horses for Jin cavalry. Against mounted Mongol armies, the dynasty relied more heavily on rivers for defense while facing rebellion behind its lines.
- What did tribute mean?. A payment can end a war only if both sides agree what it has settled. The Jin could see the tribute of 1214 as the price of a withdrawal, like payments made to earlier nomadic opponents. Chinggis treated it as acceptance of submission. On his understanding, the emperor’s subsequent move to Kaifeng was defiance, and war resumed. Relations with the Mongols would soon become a source of conflict in Khwarazm on a larger scale.
THE TURNING POINT
Zhongdu, May 1215. Zhongdu’s fall gave the Mongols access to archives and mints as well as to clerks and engineers. The city’s destruction was part of the event; so was the transfer of people and skills. Those specialists could help armies take fortified places elsewhere, while administrative records and expertise offered the beginnings of a way to hold conquered land.
What it changed
Specialists travel. A specialist acquired in one campaign could be sent to another. Chinese engineers served in western campaigns including Samarkand and Baghdad; Muslim engineers later supplied counterweight trebuchets for Xiangyang (Ch. 10). The arrows trace armies across the map, but people carrying practical knowledge traveled with them.
Revenue and administration. The wealth of north China helped pay for further wars. Yelü Chucai’s census and tax system (Ch. 7) is associated with a famous argument over whether to destroy farming communities and turn the plains to pasture. In the familiar account, his calculation showed that cultivated land would yield more revenue. Whether land was taxed or devastated mattered to millions of people living on it.
Xi Xia and submission. The Tanguts refused troops for the western war and later broke with the Mongols. The campaign ending in 1227 destroyed Xi Xia; see the Zhongxing marker. For Mongol rulers, dependence carried obligations, and a breach could bring devastation. Korea, Rûm and the Rus principalities would also face demands from Mongol overlords.
The Song and their frontier. The Song gained old provinces briefly by helping defeat the Jin at Kaifeng. But a rival can also shield a frontier. Song strategists had warned of that danger with the proverb “lips gone, teeth cold.” With the Jin gone, the Song faced the Mongols directly, and a 45-year struggle followed. Chapter 10 follows that war.
The full answer, argued
The engineers supplied a capability the mounted army needed: cavalry alone struggled to take major fortifications. But the Jin had siege technology too. The question is how the Mongols assembled and used their forces. They brought specialists, defecting officers and local soldiers into their armies and moved them where they were needed; divisions within the Jin and the retreat of the capital also weakened resistance. Weapons mattered within that larger system of organization, politics and logistics.
An interesting fact
At Kaifeng in 1232, the Jin defended themselves with formidable gunpowder weapons. Their dynastic history describes “heaven-shaking thunder,” cast-iron bombs whose blast, the chronicle claims, carried for miles and whose fragments pierced iron armor. Defenders also directed fire-lances, which sent jets of flame, at sappers. These were among the earliest well-documented gunpowder weapons in war. Thunder-crash bombs appear again in this atlas at Hakata Bay in 1274, used against samurai.
This is the study layer of Mongol conquest of the Jin dynasty, chapter 3 of The Mongol Empire, 1206–1294; the full index of the atlas is here.
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